Josephus, The Life of Josephus 65-68
created: This entry is taken from The Life of Josephus 65-68 written by Josephus in 94 -
edition published: 2020-03-30-04:00
language: grc; grc
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https://caesarea-maritima.org/testimonia/42

Caesarea Maritima is indirectly attested at Josephus, The Life of Josephus 65-68. This passage was written ca. 94 - 99 CE possibly in Rome.

Γεγονὼς δ᾽ ἐνταῦθα τῆς διηγήσεως βούλομαι πρὸς Ἰοῦστον καὶ αὐτὸν τὴν περὶ τούτων πραγματείαν γεγραφότα πρός τε τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ἱστορίαν μὲν γράφειν ὑπισχνουμένους, περὶ δὲ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ὀλιγώρους καὶ δι᾽ ἔχθραν ἢ χάριν τὸ ψεῦδος οὐκ ἐντρεπομένους, [μικρὰ διελθεῖν]. πράττουσι μὲν γὰρ ὅμοιόν τι τοῖς περὶ συμβολαίων πλαστὰ γράμματα συντεθεικόσι, τῷ δὲ μηδεμίαν ὁμοίως τιμωρίαν ἐκείνοις δεδιέναι καταφρονοῦσι τῆς ἀληθείας. Ἰοῦστος γοῦν συγγράφειν τὰς περὶ τούτων ἐπιχειρήσας πράξεις τὸν πόλεμον, ὑπὲρ τοῦ δοκεῖν φιλόπονος εἶναι ἐμοῦ μὲν κατέψευσται, ἠλήθευσε δὲ οὐδὲ περὶ τῆς πατρίδος. ὅθεν ἀπολογήσασθαι γὰρ νῦν ἀνάγκην ἔχω καταψευδομαρτυρούμενος, ἐρῶ τὰ μέχρι νῦν σεσιωπημένα. καὶ μὴ θαυμάσῃ τις, ὅτι μὴ πάλαι περὶ τούτων ἐδήλωσα: τῷ γὰρ ἱστορίαν ἀναγράφοντι τὸ μὲν ἀληθεύειν ἀναγκαῖον, ἔξεστιν δ᾽ ὅμως μὴ πικρῶς τὰς τινῶν πονηρίας ἐλέγχειν, οὐ διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἐκείνους χάριν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ μετριότητα. πῶς οὖν, ἵνα φῶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς παρόντα, Ἰοῦστε δεινότατε συγγραφέων, τοῦτο γὰρ αὐχεῖς περὶ σεαυτοῦ, αἴτιοι γεγόναμεν ἐγώ τε καὶ Γαλιλαῖοι τῇ πατρίδι σου τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους καὶ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα στάσεως; πρότερον γὰρ ἢ ἐμὲ τῆς Γαλιλαίας στρατηγὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν χειροτονηθῆναι σὺ καὶ πάντες Τιβεριεῖς οὐ μόνον ἀνειλήφατε τὰ ὅπλα, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ δέκα πόλεις ἐπολεμεῖτε: σὺ γοῦν τὰς κώμας αὐτῶν ἐνέπρησας καὶ ὁ σὸς οἰκέτης ἐπὶ τῆς παρατάξεως ἐκείνης ἔπεσεν. [342] ταῦτα δὲ οὐκ ἐγὼ λέγω μόνος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τοῖς Οὐεσπασιανοῦ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ὑπομνήμασιν οὕτως γέγραπται, καὶ τίνα τρόπον ἐν Πτολεμαΐδι Οὐεσπασιανοῦ κατεβόησαν οἱ τῶν δέκα πόλεων ἔνοικοι τιμωρίαν ὑποσχεῖν σε τὸν αἴτιον ἀξιοῦντες. καὶ δεδώκεις ἂν δίκην Οὐεσπασιανοῦ κελεύσαντος, εἰ μὴ βασιλεὺς Ἀγρίππας λαβὼν ἐξουσίαν ἀποκτεῖναί σε, πολλὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς Βερενίκης δεηθείσης οὐκ ἀνελὼν δεδεμένον ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἐφύλαξεν. καὶ αἱ μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ πολιτεῖαί σου σαφῶς ἐμφανίζουσιν τόν τε βίον τὸν ἄλλον καὶ ὅτι σὺ τὴν πατρίδα Ῥωμαίων ἀπέστησας, ὧν τὰ τεκμήρια κἀγὼ δηλώσω μετ᾽ ὀλίγον. βούλομαι δ᾽ εἰπεῖν καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους Τιβεριεῖς ὀλίγα διὰ σὲ καὶ παραστῆσαι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνειν μέλλουσιν ταῖς ἱστορίαις, ὅτι μήτε φιλορώμαιοι μήτε φιλοβασιλεῖς γεγόνατε: τῶν ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ πόλεων αἱ μέγισται Σέπφωρις καὶ Τιβεριὰς ἡ σὴ πατρίς, ὦ Ἰοῦστε. ἀλλὰ Σέπφωρις μὲν ἐν τῷ μεσαιτάτῳ τῆς Γαλιλαίας κειμένη καὶ περὶ αὐτὴν κώμας ἔχουσα πολλὰς καί τι καὶ θρασύνεσθαι δυναμένη πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εἴπερ ἠθέλησεν εὐχερῶς, διεγνωκυῖα τῇ πρὸς τοὺς δεσπότας ἐμμένειν πίστει κἀμὲ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῶν ἐξέκλεισε καὶ στρατεύσασθαί τινα τῶν πολιτῶν Ἰουδαίοις ἐκώλυσεν. ὅπως δὲ καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀσφαλεῖς εἶεν, ἠπάτησάν με τείχεσιν αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν ὀχυρῶσαι προτρέψαντες, καὶ παρὰ Κεστίου Γάλλου τοῦ τῶν ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ Ῥωμαϊκῶν ταγμάτων ἡγεμονεύοντος φρουρὰν ἑκόντες ἐδέξαντο, καταφρονήσαντες ἐμοῦ τότε μέγα δυναμένου καὶ πᾶσιν δι᾽ ἐκπλήξεως ὄντος. πολιορκουμένης τε τῆς μεγίστης ἡμῶν πόλεως Ἱεροσολύμων καὶ τοῦ κοινοῦ πάντων ἱεροῦ κινδυνεύοντος ἐν τῇ τῶν πολεμίων ἐξουσίᾳ γενέσθαι συμμαχίαν οὐκ ἔπεμψαν μὴ βουλόμενοι δοκεῖν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅπλα λαβεῖν. ἡ δὲ σὴ πατρίς, ὦ Ἰοῦστε, κειμένη ἐν τῇ Γεννησαρίδι λίμνῃ καὶ ἀπέχουσα Ἵππου μὲν στάδια τριάκοντα, Γαδάρων δὲ ἑξήκοντα, Σκυθοπόλεως δὲ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν τῆς ὑπηκόου βασιλεῖ, μηδεμιᾶς δὲ πόλεως Ἰουδαίων παρακειμένης, εἰ ἤθελεν τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πίστιν φυλάττειν, ῥᾳδίως ἐδύνατο. καὶ γὰρ πολὺς ἦτε δῆμος καὶ ὅπλων εὐπορεῖτε. ἀλλ᾽, ὡς σὺ φῄς, αἴτιος ὑμῖν ἐγὼ τότε. μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ τίς, ὦ Ἰοῦστε; πρὸ γὰρ τῆς Ἱεροσολύμων πολιορκίας οἶδας ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις ἐμὲ γενόμενον, καὶ Ἰωτάπατα κατὰ κράτος ληφθέντα φρούριά τε πολλά, πολύν τε Γαλιλαίων ὄχλον κατὰ τὴν μάχην πεσόντα. τότ᾽ οὖν ἐχρῆν ὑμᾶς παντὸς ἀπηλλαγμένους τοῦ δι᾽ ἐμὲ φόβου ῥῖψαί τε τὰ ὅπλα καὶ παραστῆσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις, ὅτι δὴ οὐχ ἑκόντες, ἀλλ᾽ ἀναγκασθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὡρμήσατε πόλεμον. ὑμεῖς δὲ καὶ περιεμείνατε Οὐεσπασιανόν, ἕως αὐτὸς ἀφικόμενος μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως προσέλθοι τοῖς τείχεσιν, καὶ τότε διὰ φόβον τὰ ὅπλα κατέθεσθε: καὶ πάντως ἂν ὑμῶν ἡ πόλις ἥλω κατὰ κράτος, εἰ μὴ τῷ βασιλεῖ δεομένῳ καὶ τὴν ἄνοιαν ὑμῶν παραιτουμένῳ συνεχώρησεν Οὐεσπασιανός. οὐκ ἐγὼ τοίνυν αἴτιος, ἀλλ᾽ ὑμεῖς οἱ πολεμικὰ φρονήσαντες. ἢ οὐ μέμνησθε, ὅτι τοσαυτάκις ὑμῶν ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος οὐδένα διέφθειρα, στασιάζοντες δ᾽ ὑμεῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους, οὐ διὰ τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὸν βασιλέα εὔνοιαν, διὰ δὲ τὴν ὑμετέραν αὐτῶν πονηρίαν ἑκατὸν ὀγδοηκονταπέντε τῶν πολιτῶν ἀπεκτείνατε, κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον ἐμοῦ πολιορκουμένου ἐν Ἰωταπάτοις ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων. τί δ᾽ οὐχὶ καὶ κατὰ τὴν τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων πολιορκίαν δισχίλιοι Τιβεριέων ἐξητάσθησαν, οἱ μὲν πεπτωκότες, οἱ δὲ ληφθέντες αἰχμάλωτοι; ἀλλὰ σὺ πολέμιος οὐ γεγονέναι φήσεις, ὅτι πρὸς βασιλέα τότ᾽ ἔφυγες. καὶ τοῦτο δὲ διὰ τὸν ἐξ ἐμοῦ φόβον φημί σε πεποιηκέναι. κἀγὼ μὲν πονηρός, ὡς λέγεις, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἀγρίππας, ὁ τὴν ψυχήν σοι συγχωρήσας ὑπὸ Οὐεσπασιανοῦ θανεῖν κατακριθέντι, ὁ τοσούτοις δωρησάμενος χρήμασιν, τίνος ἕνεκεν ὕστερον δὶς μὲν ἔδησε, τοσαυτάκις δὲ φυγεῖν τὴν πατρίδα προσέταξεν, καὶ ἀποθανεῖν δὲ κελεύσας ἅπαξ τῇ ἀδελφῇ Βερενίκῃ πολλὰ δεηθείσῃ τὴν σὴν σωτηρίαν ἐχαρίσατο; καὶ μετὰ τοσαῦτα δέ σου κακουργήματα τάξιν ἐπιστολῶν σοι πιστεύσας, ὡς καὶ ταύταις εὗρε ῥᾳδιουργόν, ἀπήλασε τῆς ὄψεως. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐλέγχειν ἐπ᾽ ἀκριβὲς ἐῶ. θαυμάζειν δ᾽ ἔπεισί μοι τὴν σὴν ἀναίδειαν, ὅτι τολμᾷς λέγειν ἁπάντων τῶν τὴν πραγματείαν ταύτην γεγραφότων αὐτὸς ἄμεινον ἐξηγγελκέναι, μήτε τὰ πραχθέντα κατὰ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ἐπιστάμενος, ἦς γὰρ ἐν Βηρυτῷ τότε παρὰ βασιλεῖ, μηθ᾽ ὅσα ἔπαθον Ῥωμαῖοι ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰωταπάτων πολιορκίας ἢ ἔδρασαν ἡμᾶς παρακολουθήσας, μήθ᾽ ὅσα κατ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν ἔπραξα πολιορκούμενος δυνηθεὶς πυθέσθαι: πάντες γὰρ οἱ ἀπαγγείλαντες ἂν διεφθάρησαν ἐπὶ τῆς παρατάξεως ἐκείνης. ἀλλ᾽ ἴσως τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἱεροσόλυμα πραχθέντα μετὰ ἀκριβείας φήσεις συγγεγραφέναι. καὶ πῶς οἷόν τε; οὔτε γὰρ τῷ πολέμῳ παρέτυχες οὔτε τὰ Καίσαρος ἀνέγνως ὑπομνήματα. μέγιστον δὲ τεκμήριον: τοῖς γὰρ Καίσαρος ὑπομνήμασιν ἐναντίαν πεποίησαι τὴν γραφήν. εἰ δὲ θαρρεῖς ἄμεινον ἁπάντων συγγεγραφέναι, διὰ τί ζώντων Οὐεσπασιανοῦ καὶ Τίτου τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων τῶν τὸν πόλεμον κατεργασαμένων καὶ βασιλέως Ἀγρίππα περιόντος ἔτι καὶ τῶν ἐκ γένους αὐτοῦ πάντων, ἀνδρῶν τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς παιδείας ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἡκόντων, τὴν ἱστορίαν οὐκ ἔφερες εἰς μέσον; πρὸ γὰρ εἴκοσι ἐτῶν εἶχες γεγραμμένην καὶ παρ᾽ εἰδότων ἔμελλες τῆς ἀκριβείας τὴν μαρτυρίαν ἀποφέρεσθαι: νῦν δ᾽, ὅτ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὐκέτ᾽ εἰσὶν μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν, ἐλεγχθῆναι δ᾽ οὐ νομίζεις, τεθάρρηκας. οὐ μὴν ἐγώ σοι τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον περὶ τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ γραφῆς ἔδεισα, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐπέδωκα τοῖς αὐτοκράτορσι τὰ βιβλία μόνον οὐ τῶν ἔργων ἔτι βλεπομένων: συνῄδειν γὰρ ἐμαυτῷ τετηρηκότι τὴν τῆς ἀληθείας παράδοσιν, ἐφ᾽ ᾗ μαρτυρίας τεύξεσθαι προσδοκήσας οὐ διήμαρτον. καὶ ἄλλοις δὲ πολλοῖς εὐθὺς ἐπέδωκα τὴν ἱστορίαν, ὧν ἔνιοι καὶ παρατετεύχεισαν τῷ πολέμῳ, καθάπερ βασιλεὺς Ἀγρίππας καί τινες αὐτοῦ τῶν συγγενῶν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ αὐτοκράτωρ Τίτος ἐκ μόνων αὐτῶν ἐβουλήθη τὴν γνῶσιν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις παραδοῦναι τῶν πράξεων, ὥστε χαράξας τῇ ἑαυτοῦ χειρὶ τὰ βιβλία δημοσιῶσαι προσέταξεν, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἀγρίππας ἑξηκονταδύο γέγραφεν ἐπιστολὰς τῇ τῆς ἀληθείας παραδόσει μαρτυρῶν. ὧν δὴ καὶ δύο ὑπέταξα καὶ βουληθέντι σοι τὰ γεγραμμένα γνῶναι πάρεστιν ἐξ αὐτῶν: “βασιλεὺς Ἀγρίππας Ἰωσήπῳ τῷ φιλτάτῳ χαίρειν. ἥδιστα διῆλθον τὴν βύβλον, καί μοι πολὺ ἐπιμελέστερον ἔδοξας τῶν ταῦτα συγγραψάντων ἠκριβωκέναι. πέμπε δέ μοι καὶ τὰς λοιπάς. ἔρρωσο. βασιλεὺς Ἀγρίππας Ἰωσήπῳ τῷ φιλτάτῳ χαίρειν. ἐξ ὧν ἔγραψας οὐδεμιᾶς ἔοικας χρῄζειν διδασκαλίας ὑπὲρ τοῦ μαθεῖν ἡμᾶς ὅλους ἀρχῆθεν. ὅταν μέντοι συντύχῃς μοι, καὶ αὐτός σε πολλὰ κατηχήσω τῶν ἀγνοουμένω." ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀπαρτισθείσης τῆς ἱστορίας ἀληθείᾳ οὐ κολακεύων, οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπέβαλλεν αὐτῷ, οὐδὲ εἰρωνευόμενος, ὡς σὺ φήσεις, πόρρω γὰρ ἦν ἐκεῖνος τοιαύτης κακοηθείας, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐμαρτύρει, καθάπερ πάντες οἱ ταῖς ἱστορίαις ἐντυγχάνοντες. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν πρὸς Ἰοῦστον ἀναγκαίαν λαβόντα τὴν παρέκβασιν μέχρι τούτων ἡμῖν λελέχθω. Διοικήσας δ᾽ ἐγὼ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Τιβεριάδα καὶ καθίσας τῶν φίλων συνέδριον ἐβουλευόμην περὶ τῶν πρὸς Ἰωάννην πραχθησομένων. ἐδόκει μὲν οὖν πᾶσι τοῖς Γαλιλαίοις ὁπλίσαντα πάντας ἀπελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην καὶ λαβεῖν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δίκας ὡς πάσης τῆς στάσεως αἰτίου γεγονότος. οὐκ ἠρεσκόμην δ᾽ ἐγὼ ταῖς γνώμαις αὐτῶν προαίρεσιν ἔχων τὰς ταραχὰς χωρὶς φόνου καταστέλλειν. ὅθεν δὴ παρῄνεσα πᾶσαν εἰσενέγκασθαι πρόνοιαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ γνῶναι τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν Ἰωάννην ὄντων. ποιησάντων δ᾽ ἐκείνων γνοὺς ἐγὼ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους οἵτινες ἦσαν ἐξέθηκα πρόγραμμα, διὰ τούτου πίστιν καὶ δεξιὰν προτείνων τοῖς μετὰ Ἰωάννου θελήσασιν λαβεῖν μετάνοιαν, καὶ ἡμερῶν εἴκοσι χρόνον προέτεινα τοῖς βουλεύσασθαι θέλουσιν περὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῖς συμφερόντων. ἠπείλουν δέ, εἰ μὴ ῥίψουσιν τὰ ὅπλα, καταπρήσειν αὐτῶν τὰς οἰκήσεις καὶ δημοσιώσειν τὰς οὐσίας. ταῦτα δὲ ἀκούσαντες οἱ ἄνθρωποι καὶ ταραχθέντες οὔ τι μετρίως καταλείπουσιν μὲν τὸν Ἰωάννην, τὰ δ᾽ ὅπλα ῥίψαντες ἧκον πρός με τετρακισχίλιοι τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες. μόνοι δὲ τῷ Ἰωάννῃ παρέμειναν οἱ πολῖται καὶ ξένοι τινὲς ἐκ τῆς Τυρίων μητροπόλεως ὡς χίλιοι καὶ πεντακόσιοι. Ἰωάννης μὲν οὖν οὕτω καταστρατηγηθεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐν τῇ πατρίδι περίφοβος ἔμεινεν. Κατὰ τοῦτον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν Σεπφωρῖται θαρρήσαντες ἀναλαμβάνουσιν ὅπλα πεποιθότες τῇ τε τῶν τειχῶν ὀχυρότητι καὶ τῷ πρὸς ἑτέροις ὄντα με ὁρᾶν. πέμπουσι δὴ πρὸς Κέστιον Γάλλον, Συρίας δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος ἡγεμών, παρακαλοῦντες ἢ αὐτὸν ἥκειν θᾶττον παραληψόμενον αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν ἢ πέμψαι τοὺς φρουρήσοντας. ὁ δὲ Γάλλος ἐλεύσεσθαι μὲν ὑπέσχετο, πότε δὲ οὐ διεσάφησεν. κἀγὼ ταῦτα πυθόμενος, ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς σὺν ἐμοὶ στρατιώτας καὶ ὁρμήσας ἐπὶ τοὺς Σεπφωρίτας εἷλον αὐτῶν κατὰ κράτος τὴν πόλιν. λαβόμενοι δ᾽ ἀφορμῆς οἱ Γαλιλαῖοι καὶ παρεῖναι τοῦ μίσους τὸν καιρὸν οὐ βουληθέντες, εἶχον γὰρ ἀπεχθῶς καὶ πρὸς ταύτην τὴν πόλιν, ὥρμησαν ὡς ἄρδην ἀφανίσοντες πάντας σὺν τοῖς ἐποίκοις. εἰσδραμόντες οὖν ἐνεπίμπρασαν αὐτῶν τὰς οἰκίας ἐρήμους καταλαμβάνοντες: οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι δείσαντες εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν συνέφυγον: διήρπαζον δὲ πάντα καὶ τρόπον οὐδένα πορθήσεως κατὰ τῶν ὁμοφύλων παρελίμπανον. ταῦτ᾽ ἐγὼ θεασάμενος σφόδρα διετέθην ἀνιαρῶς καὶ παύεσθαι προσέταττον αὐτοῖς, ὑπομιμνήσκων ὅτι τοιαῦτα δρᾶν ὁμοφύλους οὐκ ἔστιν ὅσιον. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὔτε παρακαλοῦντος οὔτε προστάσσοντος ἤκουον, ἐνίκα δὲ τὸ μῖσος τὰς παραινέσεις, τοὺς πιστοτάτους τῶν περὶ ἐμὲ φίλων ἐκέλευσα διαδοῦναι λόγους, ὡς Ῥωμαίων μετὰ μεγάλης δυνάμεως κατὰ τὸ ἕτερον μέρος τῆς πόλεως εἰσβεβληκότων. ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐποίουν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τῆς φήμης ἐμπεσούσης ἐπισχεῖν μὲν τῶν Γαλιλαίων τὰς ὁρμάς, διασῶσαι δὲ τὴν τῶν Σεπφωριτῶν πόλιν. καὶ τέλος προυχώρησε τὸ στρατήγημα: τῆς γὰρ ἀγγελίας ἀκούσαντες ἐφοβήθησαν ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν: καὶ καταλιπόντες τὰς ἁρπαγὰς ἔφευγον, μάλιστα δ᾽, ἐπεὶ κἀμὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἑώρων ταῦτα ποιοῦντα: πρὸς γὰρ τὸ πιστὸν τῆς φήμης ἐσκηπτόμην ὁμοίως αὐτοῖς διατεθεῖσθαι. Σεπφωρῖται δὲ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα τὴν ἑαυτῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐμοῦ σοφίσματος ἐσώθησαν. Καὶ Τιβεριὰς δὲ παρ᾽ ὀλίγον ἀνηρπάσθη ὑπὸ Γαλιλαίων τοιαύτης αἰτίας ὑποπεσούσης: τῶν ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς οἱ πρῶτοι γράφουσι πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα παρακαλοῦντες ἀφικέσθαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς παραληψόμενον τὴν πόλιν. ὑπέσχετο δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔρχεσθαι, καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἀντιγράφει καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν κοιτῶνα τινί, Κρίσπῳ μὲν τοὔνομα, τὸ δὲ γένος Ἰουδαίῳ, δίδωσι πρὸς τοὺς Τιβεριεῖς φέρειν. τοῦτον κομίσαντα τὰ γράμματα γνωρίσαντες οἱ Γαλιλαῖοι καὶ συλλαβόντες ἄγουσιν ἐπ᾽ ἐμέ. τὸ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθος, ὡς ἤκουσεν, παροξυνθὲν ἐφ᾽ ὅπλα τρέπεται. συναχθέντες δὲ πολλοὶ πολλαχόθεν κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἧκον εἰς Ἄσωχιν πόλιν, ἔνθα δὴ τὴν κατάλυσιν ἐποιούμην, καταβοήσεις τε σφόδρα ἐποιοῦντο, προδότιν ἀποκαλοῦντες τὴν Τιβεριάδα καὶ βασιλέως φίλην, ἐπιτρέπειν τε ἠξίουν αὐτοῖς καταβᾶσιν ἄρδην ἀφανίσαι: καὶ γὰρ πρὸς τοὺς Τιβεριεῖς εἶχον ἀπεχθῶς, ὡς πρὸς τοὺς Σεπφωρίτας.

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And now I am come to this part of my narration, I have a mind to say a few things to Justus, who hath himself written a history concerning these affairs, as also to others who profess to write history, but have little regard to truth, and are not afraid, either out of ill-will or good-will to some persons, to relate falsehoods. These men do like those who compose forged deeds and conveyances; and because they are not brought to the like punishment with them, they have no regard to truth. When, therefore, Justus undertook to write about these facts, and about the Jewish war, that he might appear to have been an industrious man, he falsified in what he related about me, and could not speak truth even about his own country; whence it is that, being belied by him, I am under a necessity to make my defense; and so I shall say what I have concealed till now. And let no one wonder that I have not told the world these things a great while ago. For although it be necessary for an historian to write the truth, yet is such a one not bound severely to animadvert on the wickedness of certain men; not out of any favor to them, but out of an author's own moderation. How then comes it to pass, O Justus! thou most sagacious of writers, (that I may address myself to him as if he were here present,) for so thou boastest of thyself, that I and the Galileans have been the authors of that sedition which thy country engaged in, both against the Romans and against the king [Agrippa, junior] For before ever I was appointed governor of Galilee by the community of Jerusalem, both thou and all the people of Tiberias had not only taken up arms, but had made war with Decapolis of Syria. Accordingly, thou hadst ordered their villages to be burnt, and a domestic servant of thine fell in the battle. Nor is it I only who say this; but so it is written in the Commentaries of Vespasian, the emperor; as also how the inhabitants of Decapolis came clamoring to Vespasian at Ptolemais, and desired that thou, who wast the author [of that war], mightest be brought to punishment. And thou hadst certainly been punished at the command of Vespasian, had not king Agrippa, who had power given him to have thee put to death, at the earnest entreaty of his sister Bernice, changed the punishment from death into a long imprisonment. Thy political administration of affairs afterward doth also clearly discover both thy other behavior in life, and that thou wast the occasion of thy country's revolt from the Romans; plain signs of which I shall produce presently. I have also a mind to say a few things to the rest of the people of Tiberias on thy account, and to demonstrate to those that light upon this history, that you bare no good-will, neither to the Romans, nor to the king. To be sure, the greatest cities of Galilee, O Justus! were Sepphoris, and thy country Tiberias. But Sepphoris, situated in the very midst of Galilee, and having many villages about it, and able with ease to have been bold and troublesome to the Romans, if they had so pleased, yet did it resolve to continue faithful to those their masters, and at the same time excluded me out of their city, and prohibited all their citizens from joining with the Jews in the war; and, that they might be out of danger from me, they, by a wile, got leave of me to fortify their city with walls: they also, of their own accord, admitted of a garrison of Roman legions, sent them by Cestlus Gallus, who was then president of Syria, and so had me in contempt, though I was then very powerful, and all were greatly afraid of me; and at the same time that the greatest of our cities, Jerusalem, was besieged, and that temple of ours, which belonged to us all, was in danger of falling under the enemy's power, they sent no assistance thither, as not willing to have it thought they would bear arms against the Romans. But as for thy country, O Justus: situated upon the lake of Gennesareth, and distance from Hippos thirty furlongs, from Gadara sixty, and from Scythopolis, which was under the king's jurisdiction, a hundred and twenty; when there was no Jewish city near, it might easily have preserved its fidelity [to the Romans,] if it had so pleased them to do, for the city and its people had plenty of weapons. But, as thou sayest, I was then the author [of their revolts]. And pray, O Justus! who was that author afterwards? For thou knowest that I was in the power of the Romans before Jerusalem was besieged, and before the same time Jotapata was taker by force, as well as many other fortresses, and a great many of the Galileans fell in the war. It was therefore then a proper time, when you were certainly freed from any fear on my account, to throw away your weapons, and to demonstrate to the king and to the Romans, that it was not of choice, but as forced by necessity, that you fell into the war against them; but you staid till Vespasian came himself as far as your walls, with his whole army; and then you did indeed lay aside your weapons out of fear, and your city had for certain been taken by force, unless Vespasian had complied with the king's supplication for you, and had excused your madness. It was not I, therefore, who was the author of this, but your own inclinations to war. Do not you remember how often I got you under my power, and yet put none of you to death? Nay, you once fell into a tumult one against another, and slew one hundred and eighty-five of your citizens, not on account of your good-will to the king and to the Romans, but on account of your own wickedness, and this while I was besieged by the Romans in Jotapata. Nay, indeed, were there not reckoned up two thousand of the people of Tiberias during the siege of Jerusalem, some of whom were slain, and the rest caught and carried captives? But thou wilt pretend that thou didst not engage in the war, since thou didst flee to the king. Yes, indeed, thou didst flee to him; but I say it was out of fear of me. Thou sayest, indeed, that it is I who am a wicked man. But then, for what reason was it that king Agrippa, who procured thee thy life when thou wast condemned to die by Vespian, and who bestowed so much riches upon thee, did twice afterward put thee in bonds, and as often obliged thee to run away from thy country, and, when he had once ordered thee to be put to death, he granted thee a pardon at the earnest desire of Bernice? And when (after so many of thy wicked pranks) he made thee his secretary, he caught thee falsifying his epistles, and drove thee away from his sight. But I shall not inquire accurately into these matters of scandal against thee. Yet cannot I but wonder at thy impudence, when thou hast the assurance to say, that thou hast better related these affairs [of the war] than have all the others that have written about them, whilst thou didst not know what was done in Galilee; for thou wast then at Berytus with the king; nor didst thou know how much the Romans suffered at the siege of Jotapata, or what miseries they brought upon us; nor couldst thou learn by inquiry what I did during that siege myself; for all those that might afford such information were quite destroyed in that siege. But perhaps thou wilt say, thou hast written of what was done against the people of Jerusalem exactly. But how should that be? for neither wast thou concerned in that war, nor hast thou read the commentaries of Caesar; of which we have evident proof, because thou hast contradicted those commentaries of Caesar in thy history. But if thou art so hardy as to affirm, that thou hast written that history better than all the rest, why didst thou not publish thy history while the emperors Vespasian and Titus, the generals in that war, as well as king Agrippa and his family, who were men very well skilled in the learning of the Greeks, were all alive? for thou hast had it written these twenty years, and then mightest thou have had the testimony of thy accuracy. But now when these men are no longer with us, and thou thinkest thou canst not be contradicted, thou venturest to publish it. But then I was not in like manner afraid of my own writing, but I offered my books to the emperors themselves, when the facts were almost under men's eyes; for I was conscious to myself, that I had observed the truth of the facts; and as I expected to have their attestation to them, so I was not deceived in such expectation. Moreover, I immediately presented my history to many other persons, some of whom were concerned in the war, as was king Agrippa and some of his kindred. Now the emperor Titus was so desirous that the knowledge of these affairs should be taken from these books alone, that he subscribed his own hand to them, and ordered that they should be published; and for king Agrippa, he wrote me sixty-two letters, and attested to the truth of what I had therein delivered; two of which letters I have here subjoined, and thou mayst thereby know their contents: - "King Agrippa to Josephus, however, when thou comest to me, I will inform thee of a great many things which thou dost not know." So when this history was perfected, Agrippa, neither by way of flattery, which was not agreeable to him, nor by way of irony, as thou wilt say, (for he was entirely a stranger to such an evil disposition of mind,) but he wrote this by way of attestation to what was true, as all that read histories may do. And so much shall be said concerning Justus which I am obliged to add by way of digression. Now, when I had settled the affairs of Tiberias, and had assembled my friends as a sanhedrim, I consulted what I should do as to John. Whereupon it appeared to be the opinion of all the Galileans, that I should arm them all, and march against John, and punish him as the author of all the disorders that had happened. Yet was not I pleased with their determination; as purposing to compose these troubles without bloodshed. Upon this I exhorted them to use the utmost care to learn the names of all that were under John; which when they had done, and I thereby was apprized who the men were, I published an edict, wherein I offered security and my right hand to such of John's party as had a mind to repent; and I allowed twenty days' time to such as would take this most advantageous course for themselves. I also threatened, that unless they threw down their arms, I would burn their houses, and expose their goods to public sale. When the men heard of this, they were in no small disorder, and deserted John; and to the number of four thousand threw down their arms, and came to me. So that no others staid with John but his own citizens, and about fifteen hundred strangers that came from the metropolis of Tyre; and when John saw that he had been outwitted by my stratagem, he continued afterward in his own country, and was in great fear of me. But about this time it was that the people of Sepphoris grew insolent, and took up arms, out of a confidence they had in the strength of their walls, and because they saw me engaged in other affairs also. So they sent to Cestius Gallus, who was president of Syria, and desired that he would either come quickly to them, and take their city under his protection, or send them a garrison. Accordingly, Gallus promised them to come, but did not send word when he would come: and when I had learned so much, I took the soldiers that were with me, and made an assault upon the people of Sepphoris, and took the city by force. The Galileans took this opportunity, as thinking they had now a proper time for showing their hatred to them, since they bore ill-will to that city also. They then exerted themselves, as if they would destroy them all utterly, with those that sojourned there also. So they ran upon them, and set their houses on fire, as finding them without inhabitants; for the men, out of fear, ran together to the citadel. So the Galileans carried off every thing, and omitted no kind of desolation which they could bring upon their countrymen. When I saw this, I was exceedingly troubled at it, and commanded them to leave off, and put them in mind that it was not agreeable to piety to do such things to their countrymen: but since they neither would hearken to what I exhorted, nor to what I commanded them to do, (for the hatred they bore to the people there was too hard for my exhortations to them,) I bade those my friends, who were most faithful to me, and were about me, to give on reports, as if the Romans were falling upon the other part of the city with a great army; and this I did, that, by such a report being spread abroad, I might restrain the violence of the Galileans, and preserve the city of Sepphoris. And at length this stratagem had its effect; for, upon hearing this report, they were in fear for themselves, and so they left off plundering and ran away; and this more especially, because they saw me, their general, do the same also; for, that I might cause this report to be believed, I pretended to be in fear as well as they. Thus were the inhabitants of Sepphoris unexpectedly preserved by this contrivance of mine. Nay, indeed, Tiberias had like to have been plundered by the Galileans also upon the following occasion: - The chief men of the senate wrote to the king, and desired that he would come to them, and take possession of their city. The king promised to come, and wrote a letter in answer to theirs, and gave it to one of his bed-chamber, whose name was Crispus, and who was by birth a Jew, to carry it to Tiberias. When the Galileans knew that this man carried such a letter, they caught him, and brought him to me; but as soon as the whole multitude heard of it, they were enraged, and betook themselves to their arms. So a great many of them together from all quarters the next day, and came to the city Asochis, where I then lodged, and made heavy clamors, and called the city of Tiberias a traitor to them, and a friend to the king; and desired leave of me to go down and utterly destroy it; for they bore the like ill-will to the people of Tiberias, as they did to those of Sepphoris.

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Works Cited

65-68 Josephi vita: Machine Readable Text Flavius Josephus B. Niese
65-68 The Life of Josephus: Machine Readable Text Flavius Josephus

Additional Bibliography

65-68 Josephi vita Flavius Josephus Benedictus Niese
65-68 The Life of Josephus Flavius Josephus